By Matthias Krings
Why might a Hollywood movie turn into a Nigerian video remake, a Tanzanian comedian booklet, or a Congolese song video? Matthias Krings explores the myriad methods Africans reply to the relentless onslaught of worldwide tradition. He seeks out areas the place they've got tailored pervasive cultural types to their very own reasons as picture novels, comedian books, songs, posters, or even rip-off letters. those African appropriations demonstrate the huge scope of cultural mediation that's attribute of our hyperlinked age. Krings argues that there's not an "original" or "faithful copy," yet in basic terms never-ending ameliorations that thrive within the fertile floor of African renowned culture.
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Extra resources for African Appropriations: Cultural Difference, Mimesis, and Media
According to Kramer, mimesis can be triggered by the experience of cultural difference in the confrontation with alien others, who in appearance and behavior are marked by a strong alterity vis-à-vis the self. ” Kramer (1993) goes on to say: Possession is experienced not merely as non-independent action, but in fact as an express compulsion to “imitate,” to resemble an other which is different to the subject and which wishes to be represented. Although this “other” is considered to be not the visible reality as such, but rather “spirit,” here “spirit” is understood as an “image of a passio,” as a piece of reality which has detached itself and become independent, often being that which makes the visible entity the member of its class.
Bori mediums are conceptualized as “horses” (doki, masculine; godiya, feminine) of the spirits. The spirits “mount” (hau) their mediums during rituals of possession. ” How, then, can we grasp the relationship among the model, its copy, and the one who copies (the French and the Babule spirits and their human mediums) without ignoring this emic conception and the distribution of agency it implies? With the help of Fritz Kramer (1993: 58–59), we may draw on Godfrey Lienhardt’s interpretation of the t h e w ick e d m ajor 39 cosmology of the Dinka and therefore conceptualize the Babule as images of passiones, as ritual representations of external powers by which the peasants of southwestern Niger felt moved.
Perhaps the French officers experienced the unsettling moment referred to by Michael Taussig (1993), when the boundaries between self and other collapse and “the self enters into the alter against which the self is defined and sustained” (273). On top of this psychologically disquieting experience, French officials soon began to sense a political motive behind the activities of Shibo and her followers. Thus, the “movement” was banned in 1927, demonstrating that the colonial administration took the potential threat to colonial order quite seriously.